The Seba library treats Wooden Horse in 7 passages, across 5 authors (including Hesiod, Burkert, Walter, Homer).
In the library
7 passages
The Trojans were suspicious of the wooden horse and standing round it debated what they ought to do. Some thought they ought to hurl it down from the rocks, others to burn it up, while others said they ought to dedicate it to Athena.
This passage from Arctinus of Miletus presents the foundational mythographic account of the Wooden Horse as an object of contested interpretation, whose ambiguous status—weapon, offering, or threat—precipitates Troy's destruction through misplaced consecration.
Hesiod, Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica, -700thesis
the Greeks occasionally associated Sovpevos imos with 'spear,' Eur. Tro. 14; but in the oldest literary source, Od. 8.493, 512, the idea of a wooden horse is already long established.
Burkert traces the Wooden Horse to its earliest literary attestation and situates it within a scholarly controversy over its etymological and ritual origins, anchoring the myth to archaic Greek religious substrata rather than purely literary invention.
Burkert, Walter, Homo Necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth, 1972thesis
According to Attic tradition, Troy fell on the twelfth day of Skirophorion, the day of the Skira. Among the Dorians, the Iliupersis was connected with their special festival, the Carneia.
Burkert argues that the fall of Troy—and by extension the Wooden Horse episode—was commemorated within specific Greek festival calendars, embedding the myth within a ritual framework of civic dissolution and renewal.
Burkert, Walter, Homo Necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth, 1972thesis
Divine gifts, like the Wooden Horse, must be accepted, but they always hide a terrible cost inside. Those who enjoy these gifts to the greatest degree, as the semidivine Achille
This commentary on the Iliad proposes the Wooden Horse as a paradigmatic instance of the divine gift whose acceptance is compulsory yet whose interior conceals catastrophe, forging a depth-psychological link between gift, deception, and tragic cost.
The Sack of Ilium as analysed by Proclus was very similar to Vergil's version in Aeneid ii, comprising the episodes of the wooden horse, of Laocoon, of Sinon, the return of
This passage situates the Wooden Horse within the canonical sequence of the Iliupersis tradition, tracing its narrative lineage from Arctinus through Virgil and establishing its structural centrality to the Sack of Troy genre.
Hesiod, Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica, -700supporting
At Metawand I watched for several hours the antics of a medium who was carrying on his shoulders the wooden horse of his clan god and at Bandopal a medium carrying an imaginary horse on his shoulders 'ambled, caracoled, pranced and plunged' for two miles.
Eliade's ethnographic account of the wooden hobby-horse carried by Indian mediums during shamanic trance rituals provides a comparative axis between the Trojan wooden horse and the use of wooden horse effigies as vessels for divine possession and ecstatic transport.
Eliade, Mircea, Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, 1951supporting
If there were a tradition anywhere referring to the labyrinthine form of the walls of Troy, the name would appear to be an invention of pure Cymric origin, suggested by the similarity of the designations Caer Droia (Troy Town) and Caer'y troian, city of windings or turnings.
Rank's digression on Troy-labyrinth symbolism and ritual dances positions the city of Troy—and implicitly the deceptive architecture of the Wooden Horse—within a broader symbolic network linking labyrinthine form, artistic cunning, and the body of the city.
Rank, Otto, Art and Artist: Creative Urge and Personality Development, 1932aside